The latter reverts to claims relating to territorial spheres of influence, that is, military actions in the territories of the defunct Soviet Union. While President Obama dropped the terminology of War on Terror and embraced collective action more than his predecessor, he continued a ‘global campaign to degrade and ultimately defeat in Iraq and Syria, including by working to disrupt the flow of foreign fighters to those countries, while keeping pressure on Al Qaeda, Footnote 5 through military (and other) means. The former embodies a war of global reach.
The self-defence exception has taken on a new significance by its use to justify the unilateral use of force by states, notably by the United States in the ‘War on Terror’ and by Russia in its military operations in Georgia, Crimea and Ukraine. Unsurprisingly, therefore, states have sought to bring almost any unilateral use of force within the legal ambit of self-defence, so much so that as early as 1970 Professor Franck famously asked: ‘Who killed article 2 (4)?’ Footnote 3 In the twenty-first century, article 2(4) is widely understood as being in a state of ‘grave weakness’, even ‘on the brink of clinical death or in intensive care’. The affirmation of a right to self-defence undermines the absolute nature of the prohibition against unauthorised use of force in article 2 (4). Article 51 of the Charter therefore allows a short-term limitation Footnote 2 to article 2 (4) whereby a state may have recourse to individual or collective self-defence ‘if an armed attack occurs … until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security’. Footnote 1 However, at the San Francisco Conference (1945) middle-level states were unwilling to give up their ‘inherent’ right to use force in self-defence.
Attorney’s Offices, and other federal agencies.Article 2 (4) of the United Nations Charter prohibits the threat or use of force in international relations, a prohibition that is accepted as customary international law. Attorneys, and various other leadership positions in the Department, U.S. PIN alumni have served in a range of important posts in the federal legal system, including as Attorney General, Deputy Attorney General, federal judges, U.S. The Section is comprised of attorneys with a wealth of prosecution experience at the federal and state level, as well as other experience in all three branches of federal government. The Director of the Election Crimes Branch reviews all major election crime investigations throughout the country and all proposed criminal charges relating to election crimes. The Election Crimes Branch within the Section supervises the Department’s nationwide response to election crimes, such as voter fraud and campaign-finance offenses.
PIN handles cases in Districts across the country, either on its own or in partnership with the local U.S. PIN also serves as a source of advice and expertise for federal prosecutors and agents regarding the handling of public corruption cases nationwide, and plays a key role in developing Department policy concerning public corruption and election crime investigations and prosecutions. PIN investigates and prosecutes some of the most sensitive, complex, and contentious public corruption cases handled by the Department, including cases involving elected and appointed officials at all levels of government. The Public Integrity Section (PIN) oversees the investigation and prosecution of all federal crimes affecting government integrity, including bribery of public officials, election crimes, and other related offenses.
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